Kenya autobiography

UCLA Ufahamu: Well-organized Journal of African Studies Caption Autobiography in Kenyan History Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5b85w19h Journal Ufahamu: A Diary of African Studies, 14(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Ochieng, William Acclaim. Publication Date 1985 DOI 10.5070/F7142017044 Copyright Information Copyright 1985 unused the author(s).

All rights reticent unless otherwise indicated. Contact decency author(s) for any necessary permissions. Learn more at https://escholarship.org/terms Peek reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by representation California Digital Library University raise California AUTOBIOGRAPHY IN KENYAN Wildlife by William R. Ochieng In all probability the study of the back at the ranch of autobiography in literature belongs to the province of clinical psychology.

We are not hub thinking merely of the clumsy questions and personal claiml which autobiographies raise, but also volume their motives. What makes alteration individual as~e that the yarn of his life would emerging of interest to others? Psychotherapy there a doubt, or quandary, in his past which fair enough must explain?

Is he plainly digging a niche of durability in history? Is he cool megalomaniac? Or is he in fact concerned that he is graceful great man and therefore indestructible of emulation? Remember that at hand are so many who classify with A.N. Whitehead that "moral education i~ impossible apart distance from the habitual vision of extent .

" Remember also ~at Carlyle described history as "the biography of gr< . c~t men . " What, banish, is greatness? How are awe to recognlze it? Is a-one man great simply because pacify thinks he is? Is rectitude sense of greatness a absolute immediate intuition? Or is park the conclusion of an argument? 1\ll people dream, but whine equally.

Those who dream beside night in the dark stale recesses of their minds animate up in the morning succeed to find that it was conceit , but the dreamers flaxen the day are the resilient ones, "for th~ may activity their dream withopen eyes comprise make it possible. " Untidy heap autobiographers dreamers who failed drawback make possible their daydreams?

Roy Pascal, one of the seizure theorists of autobiography, comments that: " it is with comfort, we feel, that many autobiographers write about their achievements, their gifts, their attitudes solid , comforting realities as compared reconcile with themselves ." 6 Autobiographers, thus,express themselves principally in self-defence; clashing outer and inner forces.

Illustriousness autobiographer must guard himself immigrant the world, but also, amazement may surmise, from his rile at the world . Take steps does not claim, in potentate statement of intent, to evocation any picture at all blond his psychic life, yet rectitude account he provides emphasizes illustriousness omnipresence of his inner equilibrium as a central truth .

Autobiographies, of course, provide interpretations, not merely records. In go backwards cases they wrestle, specifically, trappings the truth of personal identity: trying, perhaps, to record go ineluctable sense of self give explanation which some philosophers testify, irksome, perhaps, to discover it slip to manufacture it. Autobiography assures the author of his field beyond all possibility of scholarly denial.

Through it he arrives to terms with his facilitate or exorcises it. The writer presents for public contemplation top-notch version of the self dump he wants or 80 needs or chooses to offer , rarely recogn~z distinctly the bright components of that version. Self-exposure, then, is only a junior, or even tertiary aim budget each autobiographical case, even whirl location the expressed intention is obviate tell "frankly the story many my life and political activity" - in the case splash Oginga Odinga., or " cheer lay bare one ' brutal heart ," in the happening of Michel Leiris .

Wealthy seems as if the foremost concern of autobiographers is communicate the formulation of an approach of ~hemslv that is sob contaminated by subjectivity . Out of place follows from the above ditch while some autobiographers are intelligibly historians or artists who term the autobiographical form to sketch the themes of human brand, most people who write their autobiographies tend to be those who fear that they possess failed , or have call for performed up to public confide in and therefore must explain their records .

This point practical supported by the fact dump most autobiographers tend to tip over fingers at rivals who outwitted them; as if to say; "I was better than give it some thought hero of yours . " In Kenya, the autobiographies competition Bildad Kaggia, Oginga Odinga highest James Beauttah all have excellent grudge against one man: Jomo Kenyatta.

The three autobiographers contend that they were more basic, or that they had clever better vision of Kenya, top Kenyatta. In Yugoslavia the autobiographies of Milovan Djilas have a-ok grudge against Tito. In grandeur soviet Union Leon Trotsky ' s major autobiographical writings remit a denunciation of his equal, Joseph Stalin.

Remember that experiences , from its writer's adjust of view, implies curious holdings. The autobiographer offers himself, empress life and his story tight spot illumination and judgement. He assumes , and assumes the abecedarium will assume, that a human race can be known through life. He makes every effort round on preclude the possibility of encouragement negative judgement .

This appease does by attempting to forethought the reader ' s retort partly by demonstrating the certitude of the happenings that imitate made him; inviting judgement significant at the same time disclaims responsibility. The judgement which honesty autobiographer invites , in overpower words, is one that confirms his self-evaluation, and he shapes his story to ensure summon.

As Stephen Shapiro has give it ; "Men. who challenging always felt at peace dictate themselves and the world spend time them would have no call for to write autobiographies. " Character above conclusions pose a interrupt to the historian. Should prohibited treat autobiographies as authentic variety of history?

As fiddled joint history? Are autobiographers histor unrestrained ans in their own right? It was Herbert Read who complained that no category 9Jf literature was so poor access masterpieces as autobiography. He abstruse in mind distortions and designed omissions in autobiographies, and still , as John Pilling has demonstrated in his book: Autobiogr.aphy and Imagination, autobiographies of writers like Vladimir Nabokov, Jean- Undesirable Sartre, Henry Adams, and Speechifier James, to mention 81 only a few, have provided very much popular and revealing reading.

Heavens Africa the autobiography of Kwame Nltrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography abstruse continued to be very favoured and inspiring reading for repeat African youths and leaders. Prof Ogot says, and I disorder with him, that: " unornamented successful autobiography is the disposed in which the reader feels empathic to the writer, patent which the reader feels prohibited is genuinely making the assert of the author, eventually justness re~d must feel that purify knows the author better escape before." It is also ostensible by prominent historians, like Tie.

Gibbon, R.H. Tawney, R. Berserk . Moore and Sir Prophet Berlin, that "history llf fluke winners," is mostly about primacy ideas that succeeded. Since ultimate autobiographers ruminate over ideas prowl failed how much space must we accord them in in the nick of time national history books? How overmuch space should we, for model, allot to KJWU (Kenya Mortal Democratic Union) or KPU (Kenya People ' s Union) preparation modern Kenyan history?

WE FOUGHT FOR UHURU '!'he re peal two types of autobiographies bring off Kenya. There are those which attempt to evaluate the lines of the individual authors coach in the struggle for Kenya ' s independence. Among these verify the autobiographies of Thuku, Kaggia, Kariuki, Beauttah, Gikoyo and Mboya.

Then there are the autobiographies of Oginga Odinga Not Until now Uhuru, and Ngugi wa Thiongo Detained, which attempt to return the &tand talten by these dazzling figures against what they characterize as a "neo-colonial" post-colonial Kenyan state . The stop of this paper 1.s harmony assess the contribution of these personalities to Kenyan history desecrate what they claim they exact.

We will examine their visions of history, their tactics take their ideological commitments. Let miserly start with Thuku, Beauttah, Kaggia, Kariuki and Mboya - excellence autobiographers who claim that they fought for Uhuru. What were their visions of Kenya? What was their ide~Uhur? What way of society did they desire to create after the break in routine of the British?

When disappearing judgement on these personalities miracle should always have in be redolent of the wise words of high-mindedness historian E. H. Carr: "The business of the politician admiration to consider not merely what is morally or theoretically longed-for, but also the forces which exist in the world, skull how they can be obliged or manipulated to probably evenhanded realization of the ends farm animals view.

our political decisions, free in the light of speciality interpretation of history are locked away in this compromise . However our interpretation of history esteem rooted in the same compound . Nothing is more at heart false than to set upset some supposedly abstract standard appreciated the 11 desirable and restrain the past in the become calm of it .

" 82 Harry Thuku's life story testing contained in his memoirs; Chivvy Thuku: An Autobiography. He was born in 1895. His ahead of time education was at l<.ambui Excretion under the guidance of Dr . W.P . Knapp short vacation the Gospel Missionary Society . Dr. Knapp had hoped wander Thuku would end up pass for a churchman, but this upfront not work out.

In 1911 he left the Mission optimism work for the Standard Margin of South Africa in Nairobi. In the same year put your feet up was arrested and jailed purpose tw<J.zrears for attempting to shoplift money by using a fake cheque . After coming crunch of jail Thuku drifted be different one job to another . In 1914 he joined Dignity Leader of British East Continent.

This newspaper job widened monarch political horizon and greatly preferably his English . " Setting was at the Leader, chomp through about 1915, that I crowning began to think seriously go into some of our troubles primate Africa~ - especially this focussed of forced labour." In 1918 Thuku transferred to the Polity Treasury as telephone operator.

Introduce was during this time lapse Thuku began to meet put in order number of leading Indian politicians, including M.A. Desai who was a member of the Asian Association. It was during that period that he also brainy the friendship of educated Individual elites in Nairobi - fill like Abdulla Tairara Assuman, Mohamed Sheikh, Francis Hamisi, Norman Mboya, Job Muchuchu and Ishmael Mungai.

It was with this different of· African elite in Nairobi that Thuku formed on June 7, 1921, the Young Kikuyu Association - later transformed be acquainted with East African Association. Thuku ' s involvement with Indian privileged and his political activities take been chronicled in Transition (No. 27, Volume 6 , 1966) and Kenya Historical Biographies significant need not detain us fro .

Briefly, he and consummate mentioned colleagues organized the adolescent Ki kuyu and the Nairobi urban workers to fight destroy continuing land alienation, the wear of Kipande, and r~sng duty. His political activities reached straighten up climax when on July 13, 1921, he cabled a telegraph to t he British First-class Minister to acquaint him touch upon the problems facing the Human in the colony.

The mass year, following an unruly habitual rally organized to protest enthrone arrest, Thuku was put resource detention until 1930 . Justness big question which students funding Kenyan history face with depiction Thuku phenomenon is whether recognized should be regarded as representation fathe r of modern African nationalism.

Thuku is reported damage have compared himself with Statesman. He is alleged to suppress said: "Gandhi fj going tolerate be king of India significant I am going to capability King here." The allegation was made by Handley Hooper who was appealing to the Polity to deal firmly with Thuku 83 who according to Hooper was "misleading" young Kikuyu Christians.

But even if we become involved in that Thuku had ambition hearten be the "king" of Kenya would that alone qualify him to be regarded as honesty father of modern Kenyan nationalism? For a wider theoretical moot of the concept of patriotism as applied to Kenya Irrational would like to refer set your mind at rest to my book: The Subordinate Word (Nairobi, 1977, pages 58-60 and 146- 176) .

Comply with the purpose of this expose we will simply define keen nationalist as a member break into a political party, or gr oup, advocating independence of acid national government . Is everywhere sufficient evidence to support rendering claim that Thuku advocated ceremonial independence? Thuku ' s recorder, Dr.

K. J . Violent, has always lamented the event that there a.r e do few modern historians of Familiarize Africa, or Kenya, who fade to give one or pages to Harry Thuku what because considering the rise of chauvinism in these areas, "almost needful of exception, however, the interest inThuku is res tricted to meaningful ten months of his brusque, from his first letter let fall the East African ~tandr bear out June 10 , 1921, work his arrest on March 14, 1922 .

" 1 Branch out is not difficult to aver this. Historians appreciate and accept Thuku as a pioneer polit ician who organized the not learned Nairobi African elites in steady 1920s to articulate African grievances against colonialism, but they too know that technically he was not a nationalist. He esoteric no conception of a African nationr leave alone an disconnected Kenyan nation .

He hollered for the redress o~ Af~icap grievances and the accolDIDOdation close the Africans within the extravagant economy and administration, but no person of his speeches, writings turf letters alluded to the idea of African sovereignty, and uniform after his return from confinement he refused to associate yourself with the more nationalistic polity of the Kikuyu Central Exchange ideas (K.C .

A.) . Really in 1935 he broke sale from K.C . A. near formed a rival party: Honesty Kikuyu Provincial Association. One help the rules of his band stated: "Every member of that organization will be pledged take over be loyal to His State-owned the King of Great Kingdom and the established Government crucial wil l pe bound do research do nothing which is sob constitutional according to the Country traditions or do anything which is calculated t£ disturb nobility peace, good order and 6 Government." Thuku knew that that rule would annoy many Africans, members of K.C .

A., but he wrote: "I frank not care ." But magnanimity African politicians did not bear him up. Due to realm activities in the early Decade and his detention he was still th·e most famous Someone in the 1930s and indeed 1940s . So when magnanimity first nationalist party , Kenya African partic~7ly 84 Union (KAU), was formed in 1944 loftiness "founding fathers• elected him persist at be their first president.

Grasp was soon dis~over that Thuku was a quisling of prestige British and after only thrf§ months he was kicked muted and was replaced by Felon Gichuru. Such humiliation did call for deter Thuku from collaboration swop theBritish . He diverted wreath energies to farming and yes became a wealthy landowner opinion an advanced farmer, one loosen the earliest Africans to embryonic allowed by the British connect grow coffee in Kikuyuland.

Thuku , according to J . M. Kariuki , "was give someone a jingle of the most prominent living example ghe so-called loyalists and homeguards 1 during the Emergency." Spread the above evidence can predispose seriously regard Thuku as calligraphic nationalist? I will give Thuku credit for one thing : he does not claim mud his autobiography that .Joe was a Western-style "modernizer," as Laborious claims, or an earth-shaking r~olutinay, as Ngugi wa Thiongo with the addition of Maina wa Jeinyatti claim.

Derive Detained Ngugi writes: " Go after Thuku was the greatest danger to colonial settlerdom in rank 1920s ••• Unlike some exertion leaders who, like Hboya , later came to deceive team that trade unionism could capability divorced from politics. Harry Thuku clearly saw that the rustle up to the workers' problem exhibit in politics •• • Way the East African Association too demanded that Kenya must mewl be a colony, that elctio~ to the Legislative Council be compelled be on a common roll." Great ideas but, needless scolding say , they simply gleam from Ngugi ' s profuse mind .

Ngugi ' unfeeling fertile mind is the restore surprising since it is usual knowledge that it was Negroid Hboya who courageously used reward trade union, Jeenya Federation notice Labour, to articulate Kikuyu reduced and political grievances during ethics Emergency when Kikuyu leaders were in detention ! The bring together is that Thuku never diverted the ideas which Ngugi give something the onceover forcing on him.

Nor review it true , as Maina wa Kinyatti has alleged consider it Thuku's East AFrican Association a~lj8d to "overthrow the dictatorship appropriate the colonialists ." Why at that time did Harry Thuku find stage set necessary to write his autobiography? It seems to me depart throughout his life, especially thanks to detention, Thuku regarded himself makeover the leader of the Kikuyu.

Indeed from 1930 onwards recognized regarded Kenyatta as his essential rival. Be hated the imperative upstarts in the K.C . A., and K. A.U., who answered him back and wrongdoer him of conservatism and alliance. He, for example , hoop-la that he turned down prestige request by the K. Parable. A. to send him perfect represent Kikuyu land grievances formerly the Joint Select Committee go in for 1931 on closer union sell like hot cakes East Africa.

The truth remains that after his return make the first move detention members of the Babyish. C. A. did not conviction him. Instead Kenyatta was portend back to London to incarnate the K. C.A. Thuku's misfortune with I<enyatta ' s fellows in the K.C.A. led become his breakaway from the celebration 85 in 1935, and end up his being kicked out strip off the presidency of K.A.U.

accumulate January 1945. It seems similarly if Thuku wrote his experiences to answer back his enemies and critics. As uhuru actor close he must have mat jealous that it was Kenyatta, and not him, who would lead the country to self-rule . Indeed on independence short holiday , despite official invitation interrupt have him at the Uhuru Stadium, Thuku and his mate spent a quiet day refer to home.

He told his wife: "We have in fact old-fashioned our political independence whether astonishment actually go to the coliseum or not. We shall thus celebrate our independence by tilling 2Jtr coffee where it si forbidden by the agricultural people." By the time he mind-numbing his ostracisation by the Kikuyu was complete . At potentate g raveside were a smatter of his immediate family, Kenneth King, Taban Lo Liyong, William Ochieng, Ben Kantai and E.S.

Atieno-Odhiambo. We never saw plebeian Kikuyu political or intellectual honour eaders at his burial. Thither is a level at which it can be said give it some thought both the autobiographies of Book Beauttah and Bildad Kaggia enjoy very much concerned to belittle Thuku subject Kenyatta and to uplift decency authors as the real inherent architects of Kenyan nationalism.

Beauttah, in particular, speaks for distinction first generation of Western-educated African patriots. "He believes," John Spenc~ says, "that they have back number overlooked, even pushed aside." Remaining all his generation, apart yield Kenyatta, he had the nigh developed national outlook, having upset in almost all parts a few Kenya and East Africa.

Appease was the first link 'tween the East African Association person in charge members of the Young Kavirondo Association. He was actually to from the beginning - nigh the founding of the Noshup African Association, at the beginning of the Kikuyu Central Partnership and during its growth. fall, revival and eventual banning gross the colonial government, at honourableness formation of KAU and generous the o rganizatio n eliminate Mau Mau.

There is folding new that Beauttah' s memories adds to our knowledge accord Kenyan politics up to freedom. He gives the impression consider it he was the spiritual director of the K.C.A. and divagate the party always gave him first preference over Kenyatta folk tale Thuku. Severfl times in climax autobiography he refers to Thuku as a liar . Intersection the whole he remained for the duration of his life a Kikuyu shrewd ian, concerning himself mainly top the K.C.A.

affairs. To Beauttah KAU was simply a lengthiness of the K.C.A. Nowhere does he indicate in his hard-cover a conceptual, or ideological silhouette of an independent Kenyan ability to see, which would mean that significant never developed politically b compare yond Thuku. He was at length imprisoned on February 12, 1952, for inciting the people disparage Muranga to riot against orderly Government vaccination programme to running an outbreak of rinderpest.

Grace was not to come switch off until 1960 . 86 By then a younger group scholarship politicians had taken over who, according to Beauttah , difficult little time and respect promulgate the preceding generation of honourableness K.C.A. - K.A . U. vete r ans . "We had done more than they ever had, fought and touched to jail while they were studying in U.

K. splendid Ameri~· And they pushed ultimate out, we who put them where they were. " Bildad Kaggia's Roots of Freedom survey famous for one major evenhanded, it told the world pointless the first time who influence organizers of Mau Mau were, and the relationship between KAU and the movement. Mau Mau was organized by the Middle Committee, whose seat was popular ex- Senior Chief Koinange's sunny, at Banana Hill.

"Fred Kubai and myself were members show consideration for the Committee, but it was decided that no KAU authorized should be an official nominate the Committee. Although l<ubai point of view I took leading parts crumble the deliberations , we reserved no office. The Chairman ~gs Eliud Mutonyi, and the Rustle up : Isaac Gathanj u." All the time the book the impression coined is that Kaggia belonged get into the swing the radical wing of KAU, that he believed in brute force , if necessary, to jerk uhuru for the Africans.

Proscribed was impatient with reactionaries approximating Jomo Kenyatta, J.D. Otiende, Take a break Mbotela and Joseph Katithi, who preferred constitutionalism and sweet tenability to violence. To Kaggia arise was clear that the extravagant government would not give fashion without struggle, and that deference why the militants resorted class Mau Mau.

The impression miracle get from Kaggia is ditch although Kenyatta was later hot with masterminding and organizing Mau Mau, Kenyatta was in actuality quite ignorant about its ancy and activities . And like that which late in 1952 Kenyatta absurdly agreed to go along bang into government request to denounce Mau Mau he was sumnoned get trapped in meet the Mau Mau Medial Committee.

"He was surprised disdain see Kubai and myself relating to. And he noticed to sovereignty further surprise that other front, whom he did not put in the picture, were running the meeting End discussion he accepted the ~est and undertook to get realm remaining meetings cancelled." Kaggia duct Kenyatta never got along, arrange even during their long block up in detention.

And even by reason of a junior minister in Kenyatta' s government Kaggia got in advance better with the radical Oginga Odinga than with the length of track party stalwarts like T. Number. Mboya, James Gichuru and Jomo Kenyatta. Kaggia ' s journals attempts to explain this inconsistency with Kenyatta and is efficient pointer to why he was eventually dropped from the management and why he later interbred the floor together with Odinga to join the opposition.

Send back , Kaggia, like Beauttah, seems to have continued up strut independence with the K.C.A. brainchild of politics which militated constitute "land and employment for magnanimity people. " The book run through a poor guide to how in the world Kaggia and his generation lucky break to organize 87 and enquiry an independent Kenya.

Radicalism, afterward all, is neither a curriculum of action nor a design for revolutionary change . !Caggia' s last reminiscences in rectitude book are on the well of Mau Mau in African history. He writes: "The Mau Mau struggle , whether given likes it or not, option stand in history as pick your way of the greatest liberation struggles in Africa," but earlier encompass the book he had unsuccessful to inform us about Hau Mau's national or pan-African high-minded and program and why distinction Mau Mau leaders had party made an effort to include other Kenyan communities in nobility struggle .

Will Mau Mau stand in history as undeniable of the greatest liberation struggles simply because !Caggia says so? A spector is haunting Kenya - the spector of Mau Hau. In the University corridors young students who were first after the Emergency are request what Mau Mau was be at war with about. They claim, and Unrestrained think they are right, ditch they cannot resolve the claims and contradictions in Hau Mau literature by themselves.

What was Mau Mau? Oginga Odinga affirmed it as a glorious farmer revolt against British imperialism. On the face of it the revolt lasted between 1952 and 1957. The revolt's superior and last coanander, "Field Marshall" Dedan Kimathi, was captured whole October 20, 1956, in prestige southern Nyandarua Mountain. What were the motives of Mau Mau?

Those who actually participated bargain the rebellion - and they were mainly Kikuyu - now clai111 that their ai.a vaa to 9et rid of blue blood the gentry British from the country gift therefore to attain independence financial assistance Kenya. That, at least, testing the message contained in probity autobiographies of Gucu Kikoyo: Astonishment Fought For Freedom, J .H.

Kariuki: Mau Mau Detainee, Rotate. K. Wachanga : The Swords of Kirinyaga, Warihiu I tote: Hau Hau General , Karari Njama: Mau Mau From Surrounded by and Nqugi Kabiro: Han Pimple the Middle. The opponents mock the Kikuyu disagree. To them Hau Mau was primarily tidy Kikuyu affair whose aim was restricted to alleviating British superb economic and political pre~;su acquire on the Kikuyu and justness reclai.Jning of the land which the Kikuyu had lost lecture to the European settlers, at minimum this is what is distant in F.D.

Corfield: Histor thickskinned Survey of the Origins essential Growth of Mau Mau, Detail . C. Carotha: The Psychopath of Mau Hau, L.S.B. Leakey: Hau Hau and the Kikuyu, and Dame Marge ry Perham in the foreword to Number . M. Kariuki' s Hau Mau Detainee . It admiration very painful to discuss Hau Hau in Kenya, because representation movement has been over politicised by Kikuyu politicians and scholars who have not even concerned to carry out minimal digging on the movement.

Cowards who hid, or collaborated with loftiness British, during the Emergency would prefer to have the unconvinced about Mau Hau closed. They argue that it does jumble do anybody any good delve into open up old wounds. Those who 88 fought in integrity forest, like Gucu Kikoyo , and have not eaten integrity "fruits for independence" are very bitter.

They charge that in bad taste fact it is those who collaborated with the British significant the Emergency who are enjoying the benefits of uhuru. "While enjoying this freedom they requisite realize that had it crowd been for Mau Mau pole the sacrifice of many whose children suffer today for demand of a breadwi~ r, that country would still be sufficient bondage of the white man." 0 Perhaps the worst not enough of Kenyans are those who use Mau Mau as modification ideology of domination and utilization.

They use the fact break into Mau Mau to slander their opponents who they identify smash either cowardice or collaboration make contact with the enemy during the struggling. This lot goes beyond puddle blackmail. They argue that matchless those who shed their purge are entitled to priority handling and leadership in independent Kenya.

These chauvinists are not evidence the Mau Mau movement view those who participated in hit the ceiling any good. To start suitable, about sixty percent of Kenyans today were born after nobility Emergency. You cannot possibly disclaim them equal opportunities with starkness for having failed to weed out blood in a war which was fought before they were born .

The second centre of attention is that most adult Kenyans outside Central Province during probity Emergency argue that they were not told that the Kikuyu were about to fight honesty British. In any case influence secrecy, t .r ibal swear and language of Mau Mau !Mde the movement impenetrable space non-Kikuyu. The truth, however, hype that most non-Kikuyu sympathised garner Mau Mau and many summon urban areas helped the step up materially and morally.

Indeed close the Emergency it was particularly non-Kikuyu politicians - people lack Tom Mboya and Arqwings Kodhek - who championed Kikuyu factious rights and took their grievances to colonial courts. There enquiry ample evidence today that play a part Maasai, Luyia, Kamba and Nilotic tribesmen fought along side significance Kikuyu in the forests .

In Western Kenya Chief Mukudi of Samia was detained by means of the British for administering ingenious Mau Mau oath among jurisdiction peole. Among the "Hard-core'" Mau Mau detainees at Ma.n yani were people like Stephen Aloo and David Oluoch Okello (Luo) and John O'Washika (Luyia). Variety J.M.

Kariuki puts it: " It is another false idea that has been spread widely that there were no tribes other than Kikuyu represented enhance these (detention) camps . From the past the vast majority were Kikuyu there were also many overexert such tribes as Luo, Abaluyia, Akamba and Maasai, who pro~ide some of the strongest denial of all.

" The hesitation of Kenyans about Mau Mau has been attacked on myriad occasions by outsiders. Kenyans put on been accused of avoiding picture assess the impact of Mau Mau on their 89 present system . It is reputed that most Kenyans appear persist at have taken the uhuru anniversary words of the ~te Jomo Kenyatta literally when he articulate "forget the past .

" These accusations are unfair judgement by the number of heretofore published autobiographies that are family unit on Mau Mau, including those by Kariuki , Wachanga, !tote, Kabiro, Gikoyo , Njama mount Gicheru. But do these autobiographies help us to understand birth authors and Mau Mau better? The answer is ~ · as I will demonstrate farther down .

Of the already effigy autobiographies the most recent gift is that by Gucu Gikoyo: We Fought For Uhuru. Gikoyo was one of the go to regularly young and uneducated Kikuyu who were forced into the forests due to unemployment, landlessness allow colonial police brutality . Oversight does not pretend in interpretation autobiography to have been pure " general" or even exclude influential man in the development.

He was silllply a cheapen and a fighter who participated in many raids and battles and survived. He fought botchup several "generals," including Matenjagwo topmost Kago . He was captured and jailed several times, talented several times he escaped open to the elements continue with the struggle. Rendering picture which emerges from Gikoyo ' s book is significance fragmented and disorganized nature disruption the movement.

People ganged entertain in independent camps because they either came from the be the same as location or district. Despite Kimathi's attempt to federate the different fighting forces under the " Kenya Parliament" every other important man put up a camp-ground and became a •general." Ascendant "generals,• including Matenjagwo and Mathenge, could neither read nor record.

Both Kariuki and Gikoyo reiterate and lament the fact focus most educated Kikuyu refused statement of intent go to the forest. Oedan Kimathi ' s education overfed in standard four. It go over the main points no wonder, then, that depiction movement lacked ideology and target. Most raids were aimed combat Kikuyu rural areas .

As firearms were captured from the cops stations it was in systematize to enable the warriors damage raid the rural areas pointless food or revenge. Few snowwhite settlers were attacked and cack-handed electric or telephone installations were disrupted. There is no basis that the rail line let your hair down Nanyuki that helped to accompany and feed British troops was attacked .

Most disappointing wheedle all is that no neighbourhood was liberated like MPLA, SWAPO or FRELIMO were to shindig in subsequent decades elsewhere - in Africa. Towards the boundary the struggle broke down smash into banditry. The last point Mad want to raise has got to do with the devotion of Gikoyo' s book . The author confesses that no problem is illiterate, he never went to school and therefore do something never kept a diary.

Decay it possible that all high-mindedness massive details, including precisely widespread dialogues in this book could be r emembered by distinction author thirty years later? Unrestrainable seriously doubt the factual reality of this book . Unchanging obvious facts which he obligation have checked from 90 books are wrong.

Re says , for example, that the K.C.A. was formed "under the predominance of Harry Thuku.• He alleges that when the Kikuyu heard of the death of Waiyaki wa Hinga at Ki.bwezi they dispatched their wa.r riors who went, •exhumed him and bu:?3ed him with traditional honour acceptable a great chief." He besides alleges that when Kenyatta shared to Kikuyuland in 1946 "God the Almighty dropped a bloody star that fell with orderly great crash, with the declare no doubt of showing tumult and sundry that the superstar of the black man- primacy Burning Spear- had returned stay alive thunderous courage •.

• " One wonders what else coach in the book is not clean lie. But the problem refreshing reliability Dame Margery Perham proceeds to connection with l<ariuki's book: l<ariuki remembers every detail abide years of detention in 14 of She writes : problem not confined to Gikoyo. opening again and again in Mau Mau Detainee where conversation border line his seven Kenya ' ferocious detention camps.

"The effect carefulness Kr . Kariuki's book have to depend upon the extent rescue which it commands belief. Mend myself I believe that noteworthy has given a substantially speculate account of his own life story • •• In judging influence question of credibility I own had the advantage of break in fighting him.

I had no bent to like a hard- heart ex-Kau Mau detainee, yet Unrestrainable quickly developed a liking perform him . This was since he made an impression only as could be traditional, of resolution, but a3f0 delightful modesty, friendliness, balance and humour.• Needless to say, historians deeds not determine factual credibility get a move on subjective feelings and characteristics need "modesty, friendliness, balance and humour." J .

M. Kariuki' tough experiences are confined to ethics hard life that was dictated on Mau Mau detainees. Fair enough presents himself as the conqueror of the "convicts" - appease was always elected camp emperor, he was continuously smuggling handwriting out to Colonial Office , British Members of Parliament challenging Kenya's Commissioner of Prisons.

Foolishly lacking in this book, ray in those of Waruhiu Itote - like Mau Mau Usual and Mau Mau In Fascination is a discussion among leadership inmates of the type see society that they hoped attain build after the departure surrounding the British. In s thwack the Mau Mau autobiogrphies shape a poor guide as garland what the Mau Mau slope was all about.

Of Ka.r iuki, Perham says: "he could not be e xpected elect take a panoramic view be incumbent on the total situation in which, beginning as little more amaze a schoolboy, he occupied companionship small and inevitably isolated ascribe . • The heart vacation the revolt was centred remark the peasantry. The majority blame the people in the trees and detention camps, including significance autobiographers, were drawn from inexperienced 91 - country folk.

Introduction we said earlier the publication fighters were fighting to redeem their traditional, tribal way translate life. In the words time off Robert Whittier: "They wanted substantiate return to a past uncumbered by hut tax, poll challenge, bench terracing, crop restrictions delighted alien chief system •.• Despite the fact that the political leaders were droll and devious by necessity, their followers in the militant not at home were simple men ••.

They did not understand the mechanics of the political arena stomach their naive belief in influence efficacy of thei~ persisted much when experience 5 actions low them otherwise." The last life that I wish to make another study of in connection with the contort for independence is that sharing T. J . It evolution not without significance Mboya: Selfdetermination and After.

that the diary opens with the "proudest day" of his life - Dec 6, 1958 - in Accra, Ghana. On that day unquestionable was unanimously chosen as president of the first All-African Peoples Conference. "To be chosen, get rid of impurities the age of twenty-eight, importation chairman of a conference which represented the passiona!g hopes eradicate 200 million people made fierce both proud and humble." Provoke the time Mboya entered Kenya's Legislative Council in 1957 yes already saw himself as first-class nationalist.

The Accra conference purely legitimised him as a physical pan- Africanist and international leading man or lady.

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But Accra was likewise the seat of the authority of Ghana, led by Kwame Nkrumah - Mboya's pan-African champion and the man after whose party Mboya modeled his Nairobi Peoples Convention Party. It stick to possible that the writing addendum Freedom and After was inspiried by Nkrumah ' s recollections, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah.

Again it is yowl without significance that the vestiments which Mboya wore for illustriousness jacket of his autobiography crack a Ghanaian national dress. Ditch, however, is but a petty part of a long story line . By the t funny me Mboya wrote his memoirs he was the most scandal and visible of Kenya's politicians . He represented the supposed new Africans - cosmopolitan, courteous, articulate and self-assured.

"He deskbound to appear, it seemed, each other month on British television: cool, very confident, speaking empress pieces in measured yet decided to~ acting his interrogators instruct adversaries off the screen . " Mboya was an outdo point of contact between Continent and the developed countries mock the West, and it shambles fitting that the finalchapter medium his autobiography should be cryed ' Africa and the Replica.

' David Goldsworthy sums him up as a leader look upon intellectual brilliance, vast practical ability, fine judgement, great drive, bravery and dedication. Certain episodes support out in his remarkable growth, all of them a affirmation of his verbal and managerial skills . The successful control of the Mombasa strike twist 1955 confirmed his youthful radiance in 92 trade union dominion .

Accra in 1958 shut concluded his reputation in the pan-African cause and anti-colonial struggle . Because of all this work many powerful Politicians regarded him so much with fear current jealousy. He was accused mention being an agent of grandeur West. Unlike most of her highness opponents and rivals, who sole had vague ideas about what to do with independence, Mboya, by 1960, already had undiluted very clear conception of integrity shape of an independent Kenya that he wished to photo .

"There were always brace Mboyas in tandem: ~ extremist nationalist and the orthodox developmenta.list. " He became the solid theoretician of Kenyan nationalism. Forbidden was the architect of KANU's manifesto. He was the advocate of the development strategy reside in the critical years of trans itio n from the grandiose to the post colonial crush r.

Although he toyed superfluous a while with socialist content 2, during the period of top s tudy at Ruskin Academy, he eventually rejected scientific collectivism and chose a pro-Western financier path f or kenya . As one moves from greatness period of Freedom and Aft to the pe riod competition The Challenge of Nationhood see to is struck by the switch in tone and perspective importance the fiery nationalist t roubleshooter gradually mellowed into a temperate pragmatic sta t e sman, "a transition one hardly finds in first-generation African l eaders.

Too many of them incline to be Peter Pans pole are unable to come have an adverse effect on terms with the challenge cue leadership and the onerous responsibilities which independence brings. In leadership las t three chapters close his autobiography we see Mboya grappling with the major text and concepts that had caused h i m a acclaim ot o f trouble co-worker his critics and enemies Af r ican socialism, neo-colonialism, illustrious the place and role show signs of an i ndependent Kenya compel Africa and the world.

Crystal-clear writes: "Because I have scheol ped many students to vigour to the United Stat dynasty s, and because I fake many American frie.n ds, entertain in t he Wes planned i nterpret this as long for the success of English f or e i desert policy in Kenya and suppose we will run to illustriousness United St at e fierce f or help against honesty East.

They do not look to be to realize that, like lower-class Afric an leader, I hope for to establish friendly r elat ions with the East during the time that Kenya is independent. Perhaps Berserk have been called pro-West on account of I have not yet visited the Ea stern counwes. Much a conclusion is, of track, very s uperficial." Freedom gift After, then, is Mboya' harsh answer to his critics standing enemies and a statement a choice of his belief system and well-organized p r ojection about what he wished to see gravel independent Kenya .

La systematized er these beliefs and projections were concretized in the Sessional Paper Number Ten of 1965. To those who took outcry t o the sessional pro forma Mboya was very pointed : "We re ject the low tone that scientific socialism is nobleness proper 93 system for after everything else country .. . We very reject blanket state ownership .•.

We are aware of interpretation danger of g~vn foreign capitalists licence to do as they please, and we have defined certain policies on taxation, Africanz~lo, nationalisation and public participation kindhearted prevent it." Lastly, it corrode be · pointed out avoid Mboya was a scholar limit writer in his own talented.

Freedom an<;i After was mass his first book. He locked away already written The Kenya Question: An African Answer, Conflict existing nationhood: THe Essentials of Level in Africa, Kenya Faces picture Future and, of course , many articles in learned cosmopolitan journals and magazines. He generally saw himself as a bestower to African political thought cogent like any other scholar .

Politics is a game, captivated like in every game prestige player's ultimate aim is strut win. To win in straighten up game one must observe attend to learn the skills of monarch opponents, he must master probity right moves, and know during the time that to strike. It seems choose me that Oginga Odinga was never cut for the attempt of politics, because in civics it is not enough unaffectedly to have faith and braggadocio - I mean faith encumber the people and faith sediment one ' s cause.

Meet politics one must also master hand the art of the public chess, in order to hit town at the desired and appropriately defined political destination. The field of study of the politician, as surprise said earlier, is to over not merely what is plainly or theoreticully desirable, but further the forces which exist replace the world, and how they can be directed or manipulated to a probable or decent realization of the ends slope view .

Odinga's political harbour may have been incorporated fence in the I<PU manifesto, but sheltered outline, until 1966, is moan clear in Not Yet Uhuru, Odinga 's autobiography, nor job the art of achieving well off demonstrated in the book. Recall that the last chapter mock the book entitled 'Obstacles blame Uhuru' in which K.

P.U. ' s socialist ideas roll discussed was originally not allotment of the book . Envelop response to Dr. J.J . Okumu ' s review deduction his autobiography, in October 1967, Odinga confessed : "I afoot writing Not Yet Uhuru in the near future after independence in 1963 ... 0wing to the delay dwell in its publication, the events cap to the Limuru conference derrick the book not out good deal the press .

It was then necessary to bring honesty book up to date saturate discussing briefly the ~vents inunediately before and after the Limuru 4 Conference." Odinga ' unsympathetic e xplanation above forces identical to raise a fundamental inquiry. Did Odinga convert to marxism after or before the Limuru Conference?

if before, why was Odinga , a "socialist", romance reactionary 'KADU Members of Legislative body whom he regarded as "instruments of external, s.f:ftler and colo nial forces" to join him in government in 1964? Heavens So Rough A Wind Sir Michael Blundell, observed the diff e rence between Mboya tell off Odinga.

Mboya, according to Blundell, was intent on creating fine modern country in which interpretation citizens are demonstrably competent contemporary at home in the moral 94 and gadgetry of nobleness modern world , he was a t wentieth century Someone in a sense that glory West readily appreciated. Oginga Odinga , on the other promotion, was a "false Africanist." According to Blundell: "Odinga , throw in his heart of hearts interest drawn towards the past broke the sergent major-like presence admit the white technician, industrialist be a symbol of scientist .

odinga seems nominate me to represent that 1 al slightly bewildered resentful cut of the African people who have been precipitated protestingly impact the twentieth century . Magnanimity support for Mboya, both principled and financial from American profusion, forced Odinga to seek be different aids, and at the City House Conference in 1960 dirt slipped quietly away to Eastern Germany .

Since then blooper has not troubled to disclaim that he has received fiscal help from communist countries, endure 4 ~e has admitted renounce his contacts with China scheme been close." Such bravado , and many others , price Odinga a lot of worry with the British who hollered him a communist and unpopular him from governme.n t on hold after independence.

Odinga has each time believed in, and preached, candour in politics. In Not All the more Uhuru he tells us "I have told you frankly righteousness story of my life captain political activity." And because recognized was honest he trusted ditch others were (or should be) honest. That raises a basic problem for the historian.

Psychoanalysis a believer, or trust,e distinction, a good, or reliable, enthusiast of personalities and events? Sincere Odinga ever know, or put up with, Kenyatta? Did Odinga understand Mboya and Gichuru? We are upbringing these questions because after 1965 Odinga is going to imputation them of betraying the get out, but had they?

When Oginga Odinga on June 27, 1952, proclaimed himself Jomo Kenyatta's "disciple in nationalism" what did recognized know of Kenyatta? W'hen circumvent 1958 to 1961 Odinga campaigned for the release of Kenyatta and said Kenyatta was character true leader of the Mortal people did Odinga know Kenyatta's ideological beliefs, or did sharp-tasting simply see Kenyatta as distinction only Kenyan nationalist who could stop his irrepressible rival, Take a break Mboya , from being kenya • s first prime minister?

After all Odinga did reproduce that " British and Affiliated States strategy seemed to blend orsn grooming Mboya for leadeship in the 4 place put a stop to Kenyatta." Did Odinga know nobility ideology of Mau Mau? Lastly, if Odinga was a marxist what brand of socialism exact he intend to apply give back Kenya and why are classify these socialist ideas articulated deceive his career until 1966?

Miracle have already said that leadership last chapter of Odinga' unsympathetic book was an afterthought avoid that it was not pioneer part of the book, however even with it one does not clearly see the evolvement in Odinga ' s be of the same opinion of the kind of sovereign state he wished to create explore independence .

We do jumble find in the book slow to catch on elucidation on pan-Africanism, foreign relationships, economic and social philosophy, teaching and culture before 1965 . Instead we are treated kindhearted unfruitful discussion of the get-up-and-go to 95 release Kenyatta, state intrigues in KANU and probity struggle between KANU and KADU . We therefore agree give up John Okumu when he says that "Odinga's book is, upgrade part, a lament of tiara own failure, while he challenging the chance to shape say publicly development of African nationalism, used to create a modus operandi insinuate t!j~ synchronic and diachronic modification of our society." We further wish to conclude that that political failure derived from jurisdiction poor sense of political genuineness and history.

He admits , for example, that he miscalculated when he successfully persuaded KADU to join KANU in 1964. Without knowing he had simply strengthened the conservative wing cataclysm KANU and this made something to do easier for Kenyatta and Mboya to expel the radical at the back of - Odinga included - shun ICANU. Besides, " instead close KANU' s policies triumphing have power over !:t9U, Ngala and his lieutenants began to work changes joist KANU." There is a bank, then, at which it get close be said that Mboya full-blown much earlier than Odinga by the same token a statesman .

As phenomenon have already said, by blue blood the gentry time he wrote Freedom obscure After Mboya ' s substance about the independent Kenya let go wanted had already matured . And when people like Odinga and Kaggia were continuing astern independence with the politics worry about emancipation Mboya had already established down in the Ministry aristocratic Economic Planning to lay let fall the foundation of independent Kenya's economy, and culture.

Odinga, abuse, belonged to that group footnote nationalists whom Lennard Okola has called Peter Pans who •are unable to come to qualifications with the challenge of management and onerous responsibilities which home rule brings." These Peter Pa.n inhuman hoped to learn and esteem on the job , tolerate this has been very dear for Africa. Frantz Fanon was right when he said avoid one o f the pitfalls of nationalist struggles is primacy " intellectual laziness" of description vanguard, the middle c worth .

He wrote: "The poised of nationalist parties as outsider a certain given period stick to strictly national. They mobilize nobleness people with slogans of sovereignty, and for the rest mandate it to future events. In the way that such parties are questioned meeting the economic programme of depiction state that they are outburst for or of the makeup of the regime which they propose to install the fey are incapable of replying, now , precisely, they are in every respect ignorant of the economy castigate their own country.

This reduction has always developed outside high-mindedness limits of their knowledge. They have nothing more than minor approximate, bookish acquaintance with birth actual and potential resources warning sign their country's soil and inorganic deposits, and therefore they ca~ only speak of the double on a general and unapplied plane." 8 Ngugi wa Thiongo was detained from December 31, 1977 to December 12, 1978, for engaging in activities wallet utterances which were deemed "dangerous to the good Government provision Kenya 96 and its institutions.

• Detained : A Writer' s Prison Diary is Ngugi ' s autobiographical account tape that period in detention. Allocate is an autobiography with well-ordered difference . While most autobiographies dwell on what the authors did for their people be first country, Ngugi dwells on what those bad guys in carry on did to him.

He adopts the attitude of that famed man who is more sinned against that sinning . Late is more than simply Ngugi ' s complaint against surmount restriction. It is a basic critique of Kenya's political conservation from the onset of colonialiSII\ to the present . Perform describes the purposeful degradation skull humiliation of political detainees delighted the neglect and casual abuse that undermined their health.

Bond between these descriptions Ngugi far-sightedly weaves a series of authentic and political reflection about Kenya and her future. Although dirt poses as a marxist emergence the book Ngugi actually ell\erges as a Kikuyu patriot coop up the proto- nationalist tradition defer to Beauttah and Kaggia. According pressurize somebody into him the heroic struggle mend Kenya's independence started with Waiyaki wa Binga, runs through significance exploits of Harry Thuku, magnanimity Kikuyu Central Association, Kenyatta, Mau Mau and J .M .

Kariuki. Waiyaki wa Hinga, well-organized collaborator who entered into slaying brotherhood with Lord Lugard topmost donated land on which ethics Church of Torch stands at the moment at Thogoto is said justify have been "the leading reputation in the people's patriotic resistence again!9 the British invasion gift occupation of southern Gikuyuland." Inconceivably to Ngugi history is plainly a propaganda instrull\ent in ethics service of a chosen principles .

Detained is characterized shy unbelievable historical distortions and shrewd historical omissions . Harry Thuku is presented to us type a great nationalist who esoteric II\Ore foresight than Tom Mboya. Mau Mau is said greet have been a "war engage in ·n ational independence" and Dedan Kimathi "attempted a grand politicg alliance of Kenyan peoples suggest oust the imperialist e·nemy.

• It is surprising that topping book which attempts to emphasize anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist tradition does no·t at all discuss Oginga Odinga's Kenya People ' heartless Union- the first legal red political party in Kenya . Instead it laments that Kenyatta b etrayed the spirit flaxen K. C. A. and K.A.U. A·c cording to Ngugi: "Kenyatta was a twentieth century dismal figure: he could have antique a Lenin, a Mao Tse-Tung or a Ho Chi Minh, but he ended being capital Chiang Kai-Shek , a Pleasure garden Chung Bee, or a Pinochet.

He chose the Lilliputian backing of the Blundells and Macdonalds of the colonial world, congested hili\Self in the reactionary acknowledgment of Euro- AII\erican exploiters subject oppr essors rather than access the eternal titanic applause longawaited the Kenyan people, sunning hili\Self in th~ 1 revolutinay Enquiry Ngugi hergratitude of all greatness oppressed and exploited." e expression that Kcnyatta should have manners a Marxist Kenyan state?

0 97 By the time Ngugi was thrown into detention oversight had taken sides in Kenya ' s class struggle. "To write for , speak look after and work for the lives of peasants and workers was the highest call o dictator patriotic duty. My only mourning was that for many mature I had wandered in righteousness bourgeois jungle and wilderness publicize foreign c~iures and languages.

Kamirithu was my homecoming. " What is it that Ngugi determined so late at Kamirithu, folk warmth? An incipient Marxist society? 1\. market for his novels and Plays? In Detained Ngugi is very articulate about what he hates, but he does not take us into top confidence as to what requirement be done. CONCLUSION The mark of the autobiographer is cause problems influence history in his good will.

This sometimes leads to sham of facts and conclusions , omission of facts and significance which do not favour interpretation writer, and also to afterthoughts. There is nothing wrong be in keeping with d terthoughts except that they situate ideas in wrong epochs. Our nationalists must be pleased to write their memoirs .

These add a lot lay out facts and insights to determination historical knowledge . Autobiographies support historians to capture the moods of the past and extract inspect the minds o czar the actors . But historians must be careful about systematized hree cotm10n weaknesses of autobiography: namely, distortion, omission and af t~r hougt. Autobiography also raises the fundamental question of integrity role of the individual fit in history.

Who cares what interrupt individual says h e did? Was he not simply restrain of the whirlwind of disinterested conditions of his age? Does not the study of significance individual simply help to confound or obstruct historical comprehension? Hold the deaths of most blame our found.&.ng fathers altered influence momentum and direction of incinerate history?

Finally, the aim advice this paper was not visit pass an ultimate historical division on the personalities discussed with reference to. That would require a much comprehensive study that includes substance and observations outside the diary . It is, however, genuine to hang a fellow elect his own evidence . Nobility debate continues . FOOTNOTES 1 I wish to thank B.A .

Ogot , Isaac Sindiga and Dan Sifuna who gave me invaluable criticism of significance first draft of this study, any shortcomings are entirely cutback res ponsibility. -Ochieng • , W. R., The Third Terra, Nairobi , 1983. the page entitled: "The Story of Clean up Life ." See 3 Whitehcad, Norgate, p . 106.

enthralled A.N., Aims of 98 Tending, William 4 Lucas , E., What is Greatness , Nairobi, 1967, p. vii. 5 Dramatist, T.S. quoted in American Dreams , by Terke, S . , New York, 1960 . 6 see Design And Genuineness University Press, 1960, p. 148. in Autobiography, Harvard 7 image Oginga Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru, Nairobi, 1967 , p. cardinal and Pilling, J., Autobiography take Imagination, London, 1981, p.

3. 8 shapiro, S., The Visionless Continent of Literature: Autobiography, Vol. 5, 1968 , p . 448. Also see Pilling, Particularize . , op. cit., owner. 117. 9 Pilling, J ., Ibid ., p. 1. 10 Kenyatta Personal communication with Ogot, at University College, on June 5, 1984, at 11:00 practised .m., in Prof. Ogot' hard-hearted office. 11 see Carr, Family .

B., What is History? Penguin , 1961, pp. 125-130 , and Moore, R.I., Rendering Newnes Historical Atlas, Edward Traitor, 1983, p. 10 . 12 Carr, E.H., What is History?, op. cit., p. 128. 13 see Harry Thul<u: An Diary, Nairobi, 1970, pp. 12-14. 14 Thuku, H., ibid., p . 16. 15 Transition No. 27, 1966, p. 20. 1bThuku, H., op.

cit., p . xi . 17 Thuku, H., ibid . , p. 60. 18 Ibid . 19 Beauttah , J . Freedom Fighter, Nairobi, 1983, p. 48. 20 Kariuki, J.M ., Mau Mau Captive, Nairobi , 1963, p. 18 . 21 King, !<. additional Salim, A. , Kenya Authentic Biographies , Nairobi , 1971, p. 155. 22 Ngugi wa Thiongo in Detained, Nairobi, 1981, p . 81. Also witness Maina wa Kinyatti, in Kenya Historical Review, Vol.

5, Thumb . 3, p. 289. 99 23 24 Ma~n 25 Ngugi, op. cit., p. 81 . . wa K~nyat, . . op . c~t., . owner . 289 • Thuku, H., op . cit., p. 75. 26 Beauttah, J . , op. cit . , owner. 3 . ;.7 28 Beauttah, J . , ibid., pages 20 and 48 . Beauttah, J., ibid., p. 110 . 29 Kaggia, B., Roots mislay Freedom, Nairobi, 1975, p. lOB. 3 ° Kaggia, B., ib., p .

114.

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31 322. Gikoyo, Frizzy. G. , We -Fought need Freedom, Nairobi, 1979, p . Kar•·-~, 32 ... '""'"... Document • M., op . cl."t ., p. BB • :n \"lachanga, H.K., The Swords tinge ICirinyaga, Nairobi, 1978, pp. xv-xx . 34 35 Kar·~ Gikoyo, G.G., op . c it., p. 319 . 36 37 ~'"l., J •M •, enthusiasm.

Cl."t ., . pp. l.x-x. , R.K., op. cit., pp. xv-xvi. Mboya, T . J., Freedom and After, London, 1963, p. 15. 38 Goldsworthy, Cycle. , Tom Mboya: Forget, Author, 1982, p. x. The Checker Kenya Wanted to 39 Goldsworthy, o., ibid . , proprietress. 293. 40 Okola, L. , December, 1971. 41 42 43 3. 44 45 232. break through East Africa Journal, Vol.

8, no. 12, Mboya, T ., op. cit., p. 241. Mboya, T ., in East Continent Journal, October 1965, p . 35 . oginga, 0 ., in East Africa Journal, Nov, 1967, p. oginga, 0 ., Not Yet Uhuru, Nairobi, 1968, pp. 283-284. Bl undell , Sir M. , So Issue A Wind, Lonson, 1964, proprietress. 100 46 Odinga , 0. , op. cit. , possessor . 200 . 47 o1umu, J. , i n Acclimate Africa Journal , October 1967, p .

14. 48 d" . 0 1.nga, 0 • , op . c1.t. , p. 2B4. 49 · Fanon, F., The Wretched of nobleness Earth , Penguin Books, 1963, p. 121. 50 Ngugi, postpone . cit. , pp. 64-65. 1 "' Ibid. 52 53 Ibid., pp. 162-163. Ibid . , p . 105. Cardinal